Forum of sites Debate 1:
urbanity of housing, between city and nature
Projektvortrag Olten Südwest von Maresa Schumacher und Oliver Bormann zu konzeptionellen Ansätzen und entwicklungsstrategischen Schwerpunkten, anschliessende Podiumsdiskussion und Rückfragen der Städtevertreter.
Oliver Bormann, Kaye Geipel (Moderation), Hugo Hinsley, Christian Lichtenwagner, Roger Riewe, Maresa Schumacher, Bernd Vlay
www.europan-europe.com/e9/gb/topics/t1.php
November 2006
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We are going to look firstly at the connection between city and country, then the connection with housing. Because of something of a conflict in the demand expressed by today's city dwellers – to live in the city or to live in the country – most European cities have halfway areas, neither entirely urban, nor entirely countryside, but unfortunately often of mediocre spatial quality, which we have generated ourselves and have accepted almost without question, without coming up with many alternatives to this transitional space. As part of the process of reflecting on public space associated with the 9th session of Europan, we will try to examine this intermediate zone, its ambiguous character, and to find ways of developing new quality that raises the question of densification. City and country are fundamental polarities.
People want to live in a city that is rich in public spaces and services, but they also want to fulfil a need for individuality which requires setting boundaries around their private space. Two pilot projects around these topics will be used to introduce the debate with the Europan 9 partner towns and experts. They are situated in typical modern city environments, though very difficult ones, as Europan sites can be. The first example, at Olten SüdWest in Switzerland, consists of quarries that have been in operation until recently and which will be used for the creation of a new district, to include housing. The Austrian example, the construction following the Europan 4 competition in Innsbruck, concerns the reuse and refurbishment of the 1960s Olympic village, which might be described as a big housing estate.
OLTEN SUDWEST (SWITZERLAND), process yellow berlin, büro z zürich, Maresa Schumacher (architect, teacher, Büro Z, Zurich, Switzerland):
Oliver Bormann from Berlin's Büro Process Yellow and I are working on the SüdWest project in a former gravel quarry to be converted to an urban district in the Swiss town of Olten, which, though relatively small in size, is the nucleus of a large conurbation. A former mainline railway junction, this site now suffers from the removal of the railways; currently only high-speed trains pass near the town, which therefore needs to reposition itself. It can exploit its role as a crossroads, half an hour by train from Switzerland's main stations, Basel, Bern, Zurich or Luzern. On the Swiss scale, Olten, with its 17,000 population, is seen as a medium-sized town. The River Aare runs through it to the south, and it has a nucleus of mediaeval districts in the town centre.The site is essentially a big open-air quarry in the southwestern outskirts of Olten. The old cement works have been demolished since, but gravel extraction is still going on. Preparations for the development of the site have already begun. The site's topography is very distinctive and strongly influenced the design of the project. The site is bounded on one side by the excavations and on the other by a service road which will be a significant factor in the opening up of the area. However, the railway line and river constitute a dual barrier to be crossed. The site is extremely shut-in, although situated near the town centre, and can be seen as a suburban space. Our operation affects both the urban structure and the integration of the landscape and the town.
The essence of the design is an urban structure based on the remnants of the quarry, and our intention is to use the different structures to create a landscape that connects with the original landscape. The strategy employed is a staged urban development, which benefits from the lack of urgency, since at present there is no land pressure. This allows us to plan not only in terms of a final picture but also in relation to the various intermediate phases, which can each, where applicable, be seen as an intermediate step, and which develop from this perspective. The first phase, called phase zero, is to create a sort of event, a sequence of low-cost operations – a visit by the Swiss National Circus, equestrian sports, flower shows – to start structuring the perimeter using fairly simple methods. The aim is to use this event-based approach to encourage the inhabitants to identify with the quarry, which previously they have never seen as part of the town. In addition, the aim is to achieve a change of image in order to attract investors. This is underpinned by a landscape development, i.e. a road building or opening up operation, starting with the service road that is currently under construction.Phase two will consist of a set of buildings and public spaces and services designed to create a mix of functions from the start of the transformation process.
Oliver Bormann (architect, urbanist, Process Yellow, Berlin, Germany):
In Switzerland, unlike China for example, there is no great land pressure and we can afford not to complete an urban project in a single step. This is the factor underlying our strategy. We are proposing pre-structuring measures to make sure that the districts develop on an attractive site. The title of our project is "locational non-hierarchy", because we are proposing a nonhierarchical structure – unlike many other concentrically structured towns – with no strictly "central" location, but rather a form of decentralised centrality, based around small urban squares. We have established a central axis, the "strip", a sort of structuring main street where certain functions are concentrated. We have opted for the classic chequerboard layout, with the central strip maintaining a certain tension. This approach to development is very simple and easy to realise, with three major points of connection with the town. The whole development is structured around a network of free spaces, parks and squares. The different locations are equal in spatial quality, avoiding the traditional urban layout of a central
square and back streets or peripheral areas. We are aiming to create a high level of fluidity between the unoccupied spaces and future building plots, so that the district will always be easy to move around. The "pocket parks", small areas of greenery, alternate with mineral squares that exploit the rocky character of the location. On two thirds of the surface area, the construction possibilities allow for buildings of maximum height, whilst a third consists of flexible spaces, with choice as to heights. This gives us great freedom in terms of typology. The buildings rest on podiums, which can be devolved to different functions. The ground floor of the building could be used for shops, or for housing if the basement is slightly elevated. The aim is to achieve a programmatic mix across the whole area, but also within single buildings where possible. The overall image is very well-defined, but this design permits flexible development within. Any kind of typology can be incorporated without undermining the global unity.
Kaye Geipel:
The two projects offer two different responses to the shortage of public space in residential neighbourhoods. At Innsbruck, the response is a high degree of concentration and a central square surrounded by various density-creating elements. At Olten, it is dispersal that is seen as a criterion and guarantee of quality. In other words, both projects raise the question of density. In addition, at different stages of development, they effectively illustrate the effort required to achieve a sustainable mix of functions.
Christian Lichtenwagner referred to "social resistance" and the difficulty of getting the project accepted, whereas at Olten a whole series of measures were deployed from the start to promote sustainability and versatility. Finally, the two projects also illustrate the sometimes conflicting demands of users. People in the suburbs want both privacy and urban life. This contradiction is a challenge that seems to have been successfully met here.
Roger Riewe (architect, Professor, Graz, Austria):
These days, it seems to be taken for granted that people who don't live "in town" are losing out. Two years ago, we passed the point where more than half the world's population lives in cities. Every country, every conurbation is trying to become a city again. In fact, Switzerland has been creative in presenting itself as a single urban space. Yet on the other hand – and this is the paradox you refer to – as soon as people are in the urban environment, they also want intimacy, private space and nature. Perhaps the quest for "spaces of urbanity" reflects an element of nostalgia,
both on the part of architects and urban planners and of city dwellers in general. However, it is an undeniable paradox that in cities, in the era of globalisation and the knowledge society, when we have all become nomads, there is at the same time an aspiration to local identity. Alongside globalisation, people cling to their local roots, which continue to survive and grow stronger. It is also important to stress that with public spaces, it is not their physical boundaries that determine their role and identity, but their uses.
Bernd Vlay (architect, Secretary of Europan Austria):
The first images produced by the architects and the model of the Innsbruck tower block generated genuine public discontent, and a real "public relations" campaign was required to push through the idea of a high-rise building. The notion of public space near the tower therefore had to be completely redefined, with urbanity being created by the superimposition of different functional layers – housing, communal space, the supermarket, cafes and also an underground car park – in order to create a positive image for a density-increasing project in a residential district. This was not just about reinventing a typology but employing a very precise process of transformation to start a dialogue with the existing surroundings, including the public spaces, in order to create a favourable urban environment. In the Innsbruck project, there is a clear separation between private and public space. The Olten project stresses a very subtle negotiation between nature and buildings, but also between intimacy and public space, which entails the notion of pockets of private greenery. In the light of this, it should be noted that the
common denominator of the two projects is the need for public and private investors to work together. In both cases, the negotiations took a very long time. It is often a very complex task to find common ground between public and private investment. In addition, there is the need for management and accountability. In Olten, the question of non-hierarchical spaces may cause problems. Who takes responsibility for such a space? The issue of co-operation between the private and public sector is a real challenge. Whilst such cooperation may benefit both parties through cross-fertilisation, it can also be very complicated and therefore needs to be structured, not just spatially but operationally. This is a crucial point, which needs to be anticipated. In fact, public space is only perceived as public when it appears lively, dynamic, and that requires a certain density. In Olten, however, it seems to me that the inhabitants would have opposed any greater density. To what extent should we think in terms of pockets of greenery, intimate or private micro-spaces?
Oliver Bormann:
Indeed, it might seem paradoxical. It is true that density is a very important criterion when thinking of public space, but it can be understood in different ways. I can also easily imagine empty public space. Is not the desert a public space? It may be true that density is defined by how much people use the space, there are also other ways of occupying a square, without necessarily crossing
it on foot – for example by subjecting it to social control or simply by visual presence. At Olten, I think that the public space can function with fairly low density, because of the quite loose distribution of the different components that will occupy the public space. The essential criterion is not the number of people present but rather that the public space should be under social control.
Bernd Vlay:
Beyond the mix of functions, your project operates a graduated spatial shift between public and
private, starting from a private inner courtyard and moving towards roofs for public use.
Oliver Bormann:
We tried to establish a whole gradation in the use of public space, from traditional uses like the street, to the use of the ground floor. Then there are the internal areas, what are called public and private spaces, accessible to the public but endowed with a certain degree of privacy because of their slightly closed layout. Then, the system of fences and railings divide up the podiums into different uses, establishing private areas
that are in close contact with public space. At the top of the ladder, we finally come to entirely public areas, squares, highly animated "pocket parks". Our strategy is therefore a differential and multiple treatment of public and private space by developing a whole range of spaces that are accessible to the public yet privately owned, where the developer is asked to maintain a certain quality.
Hugo Hinsley (architect, Professor, member of the Scientific Committee, UK):
There is a very strong contrast between the two operations in terms of the possibility of achieving critical mass. On one side, you have something that is done in a single step, which is the normal process, whereas at Olten they are trying to proceed stage by stage, leaving things open and simply providing a general framework. The question is whether the investors and the town feel that there is enough intensity to justify an
investment that will generate the critical mass of activity you are talking about? Also, the two projects prompt us to look more carefully at the very relative concept of density, which varies depending on where you are, the programme implemented, the relations between things, the connections between activities and the intensity of uses. Density is more about how residents think than about strictly technical factors.